We are in Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it feels like it’s time for a re-evaluation. Over the years, an celebration that started out as a celebration and reminder of history, culture and the connections between global Black communities, has taken on a commercial tone, growing to encompass events where individuals of African heritage are remunerated to talk to white audiences about implicit prejudice and supportive partnership. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade created a surge in the industry of demonstrating racial awareness. But even that moment has passed. The surge has peaked, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what increasing understanding is for.
First commemorated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was established in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month evolved from this initiative and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the North America in the second month, but also in October in the Britain, Germany, the Republic of Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The month has transformed since that time, focusing less on the narratives of transatlantic enslavement and civil rights battles, and greater focus on prominent Black figures in government, the arts, and social movements, and widely honoring the input Black people have made to influence the nation. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with lectures and artistic activities. But the manner the month is celebrated is a reflection of the contemporary political context. How it develops is a good lesson in how co-option leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has stymied the purpose of it, which is to confront systemic and institutional racism.
Hardly anything shows how important it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the specific period in which it falls this year. In the Britain, a revitalized conservative movement in the form of the Reform organization is ahead in surveys. In the recent season we saw the largest far-right rally in the UK's past. a prominent political figure, the Black leader of the right-wing political group, is a strong critic of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a place where a legislator gains confidence to declare that a lack of white people in parts of a city is a reason for concern. Simultaneously, ultra-nationalist movements are surging in the European continent as a whole.
In the America, a significant offensive against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been brought, often successfully, to the top legal institutions of the state. A drive to erase Black history and experience from the historical documents is ongoing. One of Donald Trump's initial presidential directives focused on the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a “concerted and widespread effort to change the national past” by representing the nation “as inherently racist”.
In this context, the observance symbolises how minimally it can be influential if it is restricted to either obligatory business commemorations, or politically neutered celebrations of former accomplishments, rather than addressing the situation of the current era. It also shows how its restricted time span means that it is disconnected from the wider consistent effort that is needed. Denise Miller, a educator at an educational institution, articulated it most accurately when she expressed apprehension about the fleeting superficial actions of the celebration. “The difficulty with adopting a symbolic stance”, she commented, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month evolves into a transient display rather than a agent of progress.”
Determining how to adapt, revise and extend initiatives for fair treatment and appreciation in such times of discouragement and concern is a challenging endeavor. There is a temptation to just do away with things like Black History Month completely, assuming they are inadequate for current needs, or are vestiges of an era that has failed to deliver.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and legacy of campaigns for equality – community-based BLM initiatives, DEI programs, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an framework that a significant effort has been invested in. It is there not only to deteriorate as the situation evolves (and in fact, regresses), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? To begin with, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed throughout the annual calendar (as certain organizations are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) incorporated into academic syllabi. It would also be a period that does not evade political issues, and provides room for citizens, particularly the younger generation, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves basic knowledge of the past when it ignores the contemporary truth of extreme conservative demonstrations in the street? Institutions who observe it should not be reassured with the non-confrontational words of hidden discrimination and alertness to subtle slights, but challenged by the risks that face all if fight against prejudice is not treated with importance. Briefly stated, Black History Month should be made contemporary, pressing, and responsive. Perhaps an entire name rebrand is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.
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